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The reasons for this perversity have been debated in the pages of intellectual magazines like this one for decades. Academics in the humanities and the social sciences, its sometimes suggested, too often wish to give their fields the legitimacy and public authority of science, and so write in highly technical, jargon laced prose. Academics in the hard sciences, for their part, are too concerned with factual correctness to worry about making their productions agreeable, even to co specialists. Then, of course, there is the really uncharitable interpretation: Many academics simply havent got anything useful to say, but if they say it in a sufficiently complicated fashion and use all the vogue terms, theyll get credit for having said something without saying anything worth defending. The really troublesome thing about all this is that many academic writers, even in the humanities, have legitimate and important insights to convey. Yet they genuinely believe, whether for one of the aforementioned reasons or for some other, that it doesnt serve their interests to write straightforward English sentences. I have before me a book entitled The Making of English Reading Audiences, 1790 1832 by Jon Klancher University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. The book is deservedly influential in its field; indeed, I have profited from it myself. But here is a typical sentence, drawn more or less at random: No normal person can read that once and feel he knows what Klancher means. And yet, all he means is that, in the 19th century, industrialization was changing the look and social dynamics of British cities at an unprecedented speed, and periodical writers assumed the role of interpreting those changing circumstances for an increasingly wealthy middle class audience. A fair and interesting observation, but not one thats particularly difficult to express.


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28, Issue 3, 443 465. Abstract: This article examines social psychological underpinnings of fear of among college women. We analyze data from a survey of 1,905 female undergraduates to test the influence of 5 subjective perceptions about vulnerability and harm: unique invulnerability, gender risk, defensibility, anticipatory shame, and attribution of injury. We include 3 sources of crime exposure in our models: past victimization, past noncontact violent victimization, and structural risk measured by age, parents income, and race. Separate measures of fear of stranger and acquaintance are modeled, including variables tapping current versus anticipatory fear, fear on campus versus everywhere, and fear anytime versus at night. The data show that fear of among college women appears more grounded in constructed perceptions of harm and danger than in past violent experiences. Necessary But Not Sufficient: Sexual Assault Information on College and University WebsitesLund, Emily M. ; Thomas, Katie B. Psychology of Women Quarterly, August 2015. doi: 10. 1177/0361684315598286.



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